Civicidea

New European Geostrategic Reality – Is Enlargement part of it?

On June 2-4, in Munich, the event “New European Geostrategic Reality — Is Enlargement Part of It?” was held in collaboration with the Bled Strategic Forum.

?Speakers include Tinatin Khidasheli, Chairperson at Civic IDEA (Fmr. Minister of Defence of Georgia), Zoran Nechev, Senior Researcher at Institute for Democracy Societas Civilis Skopje – IDSCS, and Adnan Ćerimagić, Senior Analyst at European Stability Initiative.

The conference focused on themes of a new strategic reality since Russian aggression on Ukraine has changed the geopolitical and geostrategic reality of Europe forever. The speakers discussed enlargement difficulties and the future of this policy, which has been one of the key historic tools in securing European stability and prosperity. 
The conference was moderated by Peter Grk, Secretary General of the Bled Strategic Forum.

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Chinese Leverage in Georgia’s Academic, CSO and Media Sectors: Post-Covid Reality.

Civic IDEA published the second volume of the report “Chinese Leverage in Georgia’s Academic, CSO and Media Sectors: Post-Covid Reality”. The current paper reviews Georgia – Chinese cooperation in Academia, that is, among various universities, academic programs, scholarships, etc., analyzing realities created by Covid Pandemic and its consequences. Moreover, it gives a comparative analysis by evaluating foreign trends and policies toward Chinese malign academic activities. Mainly, the report focuses on the cases of the Netherlands, Germany, the UK, Hungary, Serbia, the US, and Sweden to demonstrate that, like other essential domains, Academia can be exploited by foreign actors.

The report is implemented with the support of the National Endowment for Democracy and the US Embassy in Tbilisi, in cooperation with the Central European Institute of Asian Studies.

Report ?

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Civic IDEA attended the online event devoted to launching the China Index (Beta) Website.

On April 25, Civic IDEA attended the online event devoted to launching the China Index (Beta) Website.

The China Index questionnaire was developed in consultation with a committee of scholars in China studies. The index focuses on PRC’s efforts to influence media, foreign policy, academia, local politics, economy, technology, society, military, and law enforcement. Each domain contains key indicators to assess the PRC’s influence in a country. Civic IDEA partnered up with other think tanks and NGOs located in different geographical regions and, being supervised by the Taiwanese think tank “Doublethinklab,” has covered the regions of South Caucasus and Central Asia. Overall, Doublethinklab was able to map out the PRC’s influence in 38 countries in the pilot edition of the project.

For more information, please visit the website link: https://china-index.io/

Civic IDEA attended the online event devoted to launching the China Index (Beta) Website. Read More »

Georgia’s Foreign Debt Policies: PRC’s bank among Georgia’s top creditors

Civic IDEA started observing Georgia’s foreign debt policy after the Georgian Dream officially refused financial assistance from the European Union. It turns out that Georgia is still actively borrowing from various financial institutions or directly from other countries, and the two main creditors of the country are the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). On September 21, the Asian Development Bank (ADB), which is highly affected by China, officially announced that it would provide the Georgian government with a USD 100 million loan, aiming to strengthen Georgia’s electricity sector. On September 24, ADB already approved a USD 15 million loan to assist Georgia in effectively implementing the vaccination programs. Three weeks before the debt approval from the ADB, the Georgian government publicly refrained from taking 75 million Euros worth of aid from the European Union. According to Prime Minister Irakli Gharibashvili’s official statement, Georgia has begun the reduction of its foreign debt, and therefore, no additional assistance from the EU was needed. 

Based on the information we have, the question naturally arises: Why does the Georgian government take debt from the Asian Development Bank and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank when their services are twice as expensive as the EU’s? We will provide our readers with a consistent history of when, why and under what conditions the Government of Georgia decided to cooperate with the bank, which was established only recently, in 2016.

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PRC’S TWOFOLD GAME IN THE RUSSIAN-UKRAINIAN WAR

After our Central Asia publication “Can Russia find more Friends and supports in War against Ukraine?
Position and reactions of Central Asian Countries” we provide the interested audience with the compilation of tactical and strategic narratives coming from Beijing over the Russia-Ukraine war.

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Round table on The Role of the Judge for transitional democracies

A round table was arranged by “Civic IDEA” and funded by the Embassy of the Kingdom of Norway in Tbilisi on March 25th in the hotel “Sheraton Grand Metechi Palace.” The round table gathered current and former judges of the Constitutional Court.

The roundtable served to emphasize the Constitutional Court’s involvement in the country’s growth and to identify precedent-setting historical decisions by the Georgian Constitutional Court that have significantly changed the course of the country’s development and common practice.

The meeting was opened by Merab Turava, President of the Constitutional Court of Georgia, who spoke about the court’s historic decisions, such as the case of 2015 on the demarcation of majoritarian constituencies, cases that changed the country’s drug policy, and judges also highlighted the decisions where the court evaluated the constitutionality of procedural-legal norms while also discussing the application of international decisions/mechanisms in the Constitutional Court, the issues of their interrelationship and the legitimacy of their applicability.

Within the framework of this project, it is planned to film a few short videos, with a major focus on the content of the cases, the historical context, and the role of the judge/judges in the decision-making process.

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Russia’s War Against Ukraine – Implications for Democracies and Democracy Support in the EaP Region

International IDEA’s online roundtable aimed to contribute to a better understanding of the current and likely future effects of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on democracies in Armenia, Georgia and Moldova. In addition, the discussion aimed to distill recommendations on how national and international democracy assistance providers should revise their actions in response to this crisis.

Three speakers from Armenia, Moldova and Georgia reviewed the unfolding effects of Russia’s war in Ukraine on democratic development of their countries, and delve into the following key questions:

– How will the war affect democracies in the three EaP countries of Armenia, Georgia and Moldova? What positive and negative consequences are expected? – What are the particular vulnerabilities where the democratic progress could be rolled back? – How should national and international actors change their strategies for democracy support following Russia’s war against Ukraine?

Context

Armenia, Georgia, and Moldova continue to strengthen their democratic systems. Achievements, albeit with many challenges, include improvements to the conduct of elections, increasing the transparency and accountability of government institutions, and maintaining an open, civic space for citizens and media to openly debate, question, or challenge their governments. It is no wonder President Putin is scared of such democratic vibrancy at his doorstep.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and the objectives it pursues through this war—replacing Ukraine’s democratically elected government with another, ‘friendly’ regime—once again demonstrates the nature of Russia’s interests in its neighborhood.

Just days after the start of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and following Ukraine’s urgent application for membership of the EU, Georgia and Moldova also sent in their applications. These declarations once again commit these countries and their incumbent governments to build a European-style democracy—where human rights and the rule of law are sacrosanct and where state power is constrained by democratic checks and controls.

These developments, even if the accession remains a distant prospect, signal a resolution of all three countries to further invest in democratic qualities. If there is a positive fall-out to be found from this devastating war, this could be it.

But what other effects can be anticipated on these fledgling democracies fraught with multiple structural and institutional challenges? Could the war and its fall-out on the region’s economies unravel social and political instabilities? Against this backdrop, will the political elites and the public, witnessing Russia’s attack on Ukraine, find the resolve to continue building pluralistic, democratic systems? Or will the governments, using the argument of war at their doorstep, increasingly resort to majoritarian or even authoritarian methods of governance? Will they focus on the fight against corruption and oligarchic influence (a large majority of local oligarchs are connected with Russia) or will the economic pressures result in moving away from this vital agenda? Will the state of emergency and a prevailing sense of crisis allow for conditions to build independent judicial bodies and a strong rule of law? Will civic groups and watchdogs find it harder to fight for independent media and their ability to check government actions?

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CAN RUSSIA FIND MORE FRIENDS AND SUPPORTS IN WAR AGAINST UKRAINE? POSITION AND REACTIONS OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine found Central Asian states in surprise. Undoubtedly their attention was occupied by events in Kazakhstan beginning of 2022 and developments following widespread unrest when Russian military aggression against Ukraine shook the world.

As for the facts, all Central Asian states and their economies are intertwined with Russia. Some are members of the Eurasian Economic Union as well. The cooperation and interdependency are so high that the threat of Western sanctions over the Kremlin having an effect on them is very tangible and high.

Moreover, three countries of Central Asia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, along with Armenia and Belarus, are members of the Russian-led security/military alliance – the CSTO. Therefore, Moscow’s expectation of demonstrated support, including military, was rather realistic and projected.

Despite relatively clear links and bondages to Moscow, the reactions and political statements of national governments from Central Asia differed from complete silence to support or concerns over the developments in Ukraine. President Putin’s recognition of breakaway regions and dismissal of Ukrainian statehood should’ve rung a bell in some Central Asian states, particularly those with significant Russian minorities.

CAN RUSSIA FIND MORE FRIENDS AND SUPPORTS IN WAR AGAINST UKRAINE? POSITION AND REACTIONS OF CENTRAL ASIAN COUNTRIES Read More »

Ukraine invasion spurs Georgia to apply for EU membership

The Georgian government submitted its application for European Union membership last week — two years ahead of schedule, as domestic support for Ukraine galvanized calls to look West.

Why it matters: Leaders in the Republic of Georgia hope that the shockwaves caused by Russia’s invasion will spur reluctant EU members to admit longtime aspirants like Georgia, Ukraine and Moldova.

  • “In making this historic decision, Georgia stands firmly beside Ukraine and its Euro-Atlantic aspirations amid the unprovoked Russian military invasion of the country,” the Georgian Embassy in Washington, D.C., said in a statement.

Flashback: Russia invaded Georgia in August 2008 in a five-day war that saw Russian-backed separatists in two Georgian regions, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, break off and form self-governed regions.

  • In a strange twist, that invasion — like the current war in Ukraine — began just as the Olympics concluded in Beijing.
  • Russia faced few repercussions after the Russo-Georgian War, which some analysts say empowered Moscow to annex Crimea in 2014.

Background: As a former Soviet republic that sits geographically on the divide between Europe and Asia, Georgia has come to view its identity through its Christian heritage and ties to ancient Greek civilization, which in the widely held view of many Georgians makes the country a part of Europe.

  • “We are not only old Europeans, we are the very first Europeans, and therefore Georgia holds [a] special place in European civilization,” former Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili, known for his strong pro-West and pro-NATO stance, said during his 2004 inauguration.
  • Georgia signed an association agreement with the EU in 2014, and it planned to submit its EU membership application in 2024.

Yes, but: Some EU member states doubt that Georgia can meet the bloc’s standards on issues like anti-corruption and clean elections, and they worry that pressure would grow to admit other prospective members.

  • While the Baltic states have supported Georgia’s bid for EU membership, Germany and France have been more skeptical.

State of play: Allegations of democratic backsliding under the ruling Georgian Dream party have also jeopardized the country’s relationship with the EU.

  • Last year, Georgian Dream drew criticism from EU and U.S. officials when it withdrew from an EU-brokered agreement aimed at resolving a political crisis after opposition parties challenged the results of the October 2020 election.
  • Georgia then declined a loan offered by the EU, signaling a shift away from the bloc.

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine “obviously influenced” Georgia’s decision to submit its application for EU membership two years earlier than expected, former Georgian Defense Minister Tina Khidasheli told Axios.

  • Tens of thousands of people were out demonstrating in Georgia’s major cities to support Ukraine, said Khidasheli, and many Georgians also signed online petitions urging the government to submit the EU application.

What to watch: Georgia’s path to EU membership is far from secured, but Khidasheli said that EU members might support Georgia as a way to stand up to Russia.

  • “I think that European countries understand that they need to do something at this very moment, they need to do something to prove that Russia does not have veto power.”

Link ?

https://www.axios.com/georgia-applies-eu-membership-ukraine-bef3cb3b-ec79-43a5-b868-1114f99f7b41.html?fbclid=IwAR0Lrrt7ig5OdaJVRUVZLiSuexedP_Sqwii5RzEcBrGDJL-7oZxUsoKJgrc

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Tedo Japaridze: West needs to give up fear

It is often said of President Putin that he is a master tactician but not a strategist. I understand this to imply that he can make the most out of today and does not have the foresight to predict the consequences of his actions. Well, that is not entirely accurate. President Putin uses the military the only way the military ever works: to determine the circumstances that will define a future negotiation. So, Putin is what we make of him.

If Washington, Brussels, Berlin, Paris, Rome, Vienna, and London articulate fear, then Putin has won a strategic victory.

In my mind, the question is whether Putin’s brute force will be allowed to determine our future. Profiling Putin’s mental state is futile; if the Russian President was open to psychological support, he might not be leading a country as a ruthless dictator, but someone else would. No man should be given so much power because it is detrimental to their mental state. But this discussion has no substance; what is important is whether the Russian Bear will be allowed to bully first of Europe or maybe the entire Collective West.

Washington should rethink its priorities because the issue at hand is not geographic, even if it is geopolitical. The question is no longer “the Atlantic or the Pacific” but whether there will be anything left of the system we now recognize as “global governance”: the internet, the global market, and human rights regimes are devolving into separate and irreconcilable ecosystem with no normative guarantee. There is no “Great Wall” of the West to retreat behind. If Washington retreats that will be a strategic choice that will dilute its power beyond recognition. If Washington does not share its power with Europe, its power will be inconsequential.

Now, we should reflect on the substance of this rhetorically evocative affirmation “We are all Ukrainians!” If we are, we then need to think as Ukrainians. For Ukrainians, the question is how long this pain will last, and what will be left of their freedom. People in urban centres will go without electricity, communications, and perhaps even food. Ukraine’s children will not feel secure, will not go to school, and a whole generation will be marked by the fear of loss and the terror of destruction.

That is a fear Georgians know only too well. But it is not Georgians alone: Estonians, Lithuanians, Latvians, Poles, Czechs, Slovaks and Hungarians have this fear ingrained in them. European know only too well the fear of Russian tanks and what these can do to a generation.  And we should draw a line in the sand and leave fear behind us, as Europeans.

Fear is like smoking. The only way not to fear, is not to be afraid. We need to have the courage to imagine a future without fear, in Europe, otherwise “Europe” means nothing.

It is understandable that Europe fears the prospect of another devastating European war. But fear is contagious. If Europe sinks into the fear of Russia, peace and war will increasingly look similar. Russia’s demand for “breathing space” – a Near Abroad – feeds on fear, which is detrimental to the health of every democracy. Russia can ask for more countries, more limitations to freedom, more guarantees that the Kremlin’s ability to be the bully of Europe will go unpunished and unchecked. With care for the Russian people, we should stand up to the bully as what today is about the influence and dominance in the “Near Abroad” would be expended in distorted imaginations towards the “middle abroad” or maybe even further.

Westerners need to help Ukrainians not to fear: to be generous with assistance for the refugees that choose life anywhere rather than an existence in fear; to support those who prefer to die rather than live in fear; and they need to look at Georgians – and each other – and find ways of standing together so that their peace is not defined by fear. If fear defines the substance of what it means to be European or Westerner then Putin’s regime has won. And that will be the defeat of every Westerner that has every worked for peace since 1945 on both shores of the Atlantic.  

Tedo Japaridze is a former Ambassador of Georgia to the United States, a former chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee of Georgian Parliament, a former Foreign Policy Adviser to the Prime-Minister of Georgia. He was also national security adviser to Georgian President Eduard Shevardnadze. This blog represents his personal opinions.

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