New

GD’s New Legislation Tightens Grip on Dissent and Accelerates Dictatorship

The Georgian Dream (GD) party has unveiled yet another wave of legislative changes designed to tighten its grip on power, ramping up penalties for a variety of offenses—many of which directly target protesters, critics, and political dissenters. Among the most striking changes:

  • harsher punishment for “insulting officials,”
  • a new criminal offense for a public insult on politicians and other high-ranking officials,
  • the transformation of public calls for “violence” from an administrative violation into a felony punishable by up to three years in prison,
  • increase in administrative detention term from 15 to 60 days,
  • prohibition of protest in any building without prior consent of an owner (it will include universities, theaters, and most of the large public spaces).

These amendments were announced on February 3 by GD parliamentary majority leader Mamuka Mdinaradze following a political council meeting and they were approved by first reading by the parliamentary committees the same day. In his usual combative rhetoric, Mdinaradze framed the crackdown as a necessary response to what he called the ongoing efforts of “Deep State agents” to overthrow the government. He declared that the ruling party requires “the appropriate tools and means to govern the country” and to “serve the citizens.” In reality, these measures seem aimed at silencing dissent and literally curbing freedom of speech rather than addressing any genuine threats to governance.

Mdinaradze clarified that this is just the beginning: “The process will continue until the imposed norms are completely replaced by the adoption of norms necessary for the proper functioning and independence of the state.”

The New Rules of Repression

The proposed legislation includes an array of new restrictions and harsher penalties:

  1. No more spontaneous protests: Holding indoor rallies without prior permission from the building owner will be explicitly prohibited. This is particularly significant given that many universities, theaters, and public institutions are state-owned—effectively banning protests on those premises. Understanding the context, universities have been on top of the protests in Georgia since 1988.
  2. Steeper penalties for dissent: Administrative offenses such as petty hooliganism, disobeying police orders, vandalism, and blocking court entrances will now carry increased fines and detention periods.
  3. Extended administrative detention: The maximum period for administrative detention will skyrocket from 15 to 60 days. Understanding the context, Georgia was constantly criticized by international human rights institutions for long administrative detention periods (used to be 90 days long), and it was the Georgian Dream coalition government that brought it down to 15 days years back.
  4. Criminalizing speech: Insulting a public official in connection with their work will become a new administrative offense, giving authorities yet another tool to silence criticism. Obviously, there is no definition or framework for an insult. Under current Georgian reality, anything, including a cynical Facebook post, will qualify. 
  5. Jail time for speech-related crimes: Public calls on disobedience to law enforcement officials, refusal to obey the law, and calls on “violence,” previously met with fines, will now lead to imprisonment of up to three years. And again, there is no framework or definition for “calls of violence.”
  6. Crackdown on resistance to police: Resisting, threatening, or using violence against law enforcement will now be classified as a “major crime” punishable up to ten years of imprisonment.
  7. Harsher punishment for harming police: New aggravating circumstances will be introduced for attacking police officers, state authorities, or their family members. Again, for the context, arrests against activists were always marked by the heavy use of this particular law. We have a handful of case laws where “harming policeman” is defined by the court based on the testimony from the policeman: “I felt pain in my cheek”. Write now: a journalist in pretrial detention is waiting for a five-year sentence strictly for those words said by a policeman during testimony.  
  8. Criminalizing vague ‘threats’: A new criminal code amendment will punish threats of attack, incitement or violence against political and state officials, providing broad leeway for interpretation and potential abuse.

What This Means for Georgia

The only tool the government is left with is the power of force. They solely and heavily rely on repressive power. There is no soft power left, no arguments or convincing. The mood of dissent is increasing, and the number of those protesting magnifies every day. Georgia has been on daily protests for over two months now, and there is no sign that it will change without the government freeing political prisoners and calling for new elections.

So, Georgian Dream decided to make peaceful protests riskier as a deterrence. GD grants itself sweeping new powers to detain demonstrators, silence critics, and police online discourse massively. Students protesting in universities? Banned. Actors speaking out in theaters? Potentially criminalized. Calling a regime official a name on social media? That, too, will soon be grounds for punishment.

These measures announced just one day after peaceful demonstrations on February 2, make it clear that GD is not simply reacting to threats—it is preemptively rewriting the rulebook to eliminate any kind of resistant speech. GD’s ominous warning that “there will be a continuation” suggests that this is only the first phase of an escalating crackdown.

In essence, GD is laying the legal foundation for something much bigger: a system in which opposition is discouraged and criminalized.

GD’s New Legislation Tightens Grip on Dissent and Accelerates Dictatorship Read More »

The Road to Dependency: Chinese Banks Eyeing Georgia

A new report by Civic IDEA examines a key development stemming from the Sino-Georgian strategic partnership: the potential entry of Chinese banks into the Georgian market.

The report highlights recent meetings between the central banks of Georgia and China, during which the National Bank of Georgia consistently expressed interest in the presence of Chinese state-owned banks in Georgia.

It also addresses the risks and challenges linked to Chinese financial institutions, citing examples of “debt-trap diplomacy” in countries such as Sri Lanka, Tajikistan, and Montenegro.

The Road to Dependency: Chinese Banks Eyeing Georgia Read More »

EMERGING CONCERN Chinese Surveillance Cameras in Georgia

A new report by Civic IDEA explores an emerging dimension of China-Georgia law enforcement cooperation: the procurement of Chinese surveillance technology by Georgian government institutions.

Drawing on publicly available data, the report examines state procurement of Chinese surveillance cameras between 2019 and 2024, revealing a growing trend in the acquisition of this technology by Georgian authorities.

The report’s final section highlights the significant challenges associated with Chinese surveillance technology, including data insecurity, vulnerability to cyber-attacks, human rights concerns, and close ties to the Chinese Communist Party. These issues have led to the banning of Chinese surveillance technology in several Western countries.

EMERGING CONCERN Chinese Surveillance Cameras in Georgia Read More »

Evidences of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment and persecution against protest participants in Georgia

Individual Cases of Torture and Violence against Protestors in Georgia

November 28 – December 18

This document was prepared by “Georgia’s European Orbit” and Human Rights’ Center of the University of Georgia based on publicly available sources, including media footage, victim testimonies, statements from non-governmental organizations (NGOs). The information provided is intended for informational purposes.

Criminal Cases

November 29 - December 17

The present document concerning the ongoing criminal cases is based on publicly disclosed information provided by media outlets and investigative authorities. It is subject to periodic updates in accordance with publicly available data. The document was prepared by “Georgia’s European Orbit” and Human Rights’ Center of the University of Georgia. The information provided is intended for informational purposes.

Evidence of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment and persecution against protest participants in Georgia

December 9-18

This document was prepared by “Georgia’s European Orbit” and Human Rights’ Center of the University of Georgia based on publicly available sources, including media footage, victim testimonies, statements from non-governmental organizations (NGOs), and reports from the Public Defender’s Office. The information provided is intended for informational purposes and reflects the findings of the human rights lawyers based on these sources.

Evidences of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment and persecution against protest participants in Georgia Read More »

Illegitimate Parliament Set to Elect President in Violation of Constitutional Deadlines

The unfolding political drama in Georgia reaches new heights of lawlessness as the illegitimate parliament prepares to elect the country’s president on December 14. Not only does this act arise from a body lacking legitimacy, but the election itself flagrantly violates constitutional deadlines and established legal procedures.

The move, orchestrated by “puppet master1” echoes previous attempts to subvert democratic processes, such as the parliamentary session convened before the Constitutional Court’sruling.

The Georgian Constitution (Article 50) clearly stipulates that “the President of Georgia is elected for a term of five years, without debate, by open voting by the electoral college.”
Furthermore, the organic law—defined as the Election Code of Georgia—establishes the procedural framework for presidential elections in Chapter XI, titled “Elections of the

President of Georgia.” Specifically, the Election Code mandates that the presidential election must occur within 45 days after the first session of the newly elected parliament. As the parliament’s inaugural session took place on November 25, the constitutionally valid deadline for the election would be January 9, 2025. Scheduling the election for December 14 not only shortens this timeline without justification but also disrupts key procedures enshrined in the Election Code.

The Legal Violations

1. Election Deadlines Ignored

According to Article 97 of the Election Code, presidential candidates must be nominated at least 30 days before the election and only after the composition of the electoral college is approved. This means that for a December 14 election, the deadline for nominating candidates would have been November 15. However, by November 15, the Central Election Commission (CEC) had not even published the summary minutes of the parliamentary elections (released on November 16).

2. Exceptional Cases Clause Misused

The Election Code (Article 14.1.c) allows the CEC to modify deadlines only in “exceptional cases” where it is impossible to meet the requirements of the law. Such decisions require detailed documentation justifying the circumstances that made adherence to the deadlines unfeasible. In this instance, no such explanation was provided.

3. Irregular Candidate Nomination Process

The CEC approved the electoral college’s composition on December 2, yet a presidential candidate was nominated on November 27—five days before the electoral college’s official formation. This premature nomination contravenes the Election Code. Additionally, the CEC has failed to publish the required documentation, including the formal notice of candidate nomination signed by at least 30 members of the electoral college. ​

The “puppet master” Strikes Again

This blatant disregard for constitutional and legal norms highlights a disturbing pattern of authoritarian manipulation. The same “puppet master” that orchestrated prior unconstitutional parliamentary sessions has now branded the presidential election process with similar illegitimacy.

Georgia’s democratic institutions and constitutional order are being systematically undermined. This latest transgression demonstrates that the illegitimate parliament is not only willing to consolidate power by any means necessary but is also unashamedly disregarding the rule of law.

Illegitimate Parliament Set to Elect President in Violation of Constitutional Deadlines Read More »

“Examining the Environmental and Social Impact of the Belt and Road Initiative: Civic IDEA Leads Panel at CITW 2024 Summit”

On November 24, Ani Kintsurashvili, Senior Researcher at Civic IDEA, alongside Tinatin Khidasheli, Chairwoman of Civic IDEA, led a panel discussion titled “Lessons Learned from the BRI: Examining Environmental Hazards and Regulatory Shortcomings” at the CITW 2024 summit in Johannesburg, South Africa. 

The panel examined environmental and social challenges from Chinese BRI projects in Africa and the South Caucasus. The speakers highlighted that since the launch of the BRI, Chinese investments have attracted significant global attention, increasingly burdening many developing states worldwide and sparking controversies related to environmental concerns, and debt sustainability. 

The session also emphasized the risks to communities, ecosystems and biodiversity and emphasize the need for stronger monitoring, regulatory frameworks, due diligence, and improved information sharing to mitigate spillover effects.

Tap to see the presentation:

“Examining the Environmental and Social Impact of the Belt and Road Initiative: Civic IDEA Leads Panel at CITW 2024 Summit” Read More »

Civic IDEA’s Senior Researcher Ani Kintsurashvili Leads Panel Discussion on Georgia’s Foreign Policy Challenges in Samarkand

On November 21-22, the Senior Researcher of Civic IDEA, Ani Kintsurashvili, attended the “Mapping Spheres of Influence” data journalism conference, which was organized by Anhor.uz and held in Samarkand, Uzbekistan. 

The event brought together experts and practitioners to explore key issues in data journalism, focusing on the role of reporting in Central Asia, especially in the context of international economic cooperation, as well as the region’s challenges and opportunities. 

During the conference, Ani took the lead in the panel discussion titled “Surviving the New Cold War,” where she shared her insights on the complex foreign policy dynamics facing Georgia. She highlighted the challenges the country faces in navigating its foreign policy, particularly as the ruling party increasingly aligns with Russia and China. Her analysis also contrasted Georgia’s situation with that of the Central Asian nations, providing a broader regional perspective on the shifting geopolitical landscape.

Civic IDEA’s Senior Researcher Ani Kintsurashvili Leads Panel Discussion on Georgia’s Foreign Policy Challenges in Samarkand Read More »

Scroll to Top